In a few chapters, you will read one of the triumphs in literature, borrowed from the Wisdom Literature of the Old Testament.

Tolstoy will have the fictional Andrei recognize the Vanity of our world. On the battlefield, Andrei is placed in a posture that makes him attuned to absorbing the nature of war & peace; and much more.

In preparation for this moment, I ask you to take a tiny step toward developing the ability to see behind the vanity & vexation of our existence.

If inclined, read the beginning of Ecclesiastes – as Andrei will paraphrase this material while speaking to the meaningless and futility of not seeing beyond the issues of the day.

Conceding most will never going to do that… the critical and initial part of Ecclesiastes 1 reads:

Vanity of vanities, saith the Preacher (often identified as Solomon); All is vanity.

What profit hath a man of all his labour, which he taketh under the sun?

Then Scripture references then unrelenting cycles of nature --

One generation passeth away, and another cometh: but the earth abideth;

The sun also ariseth, and the sun goeth down, and hasteneth to his place where it arose.

The wind goeth toward the south, and turneth about unto the north;

it whirleth about continually, and returneth again according to his circuits.

All the rivers run into the sea, yet the sea is not full;

unto the place from where the rivers come, thither they return again.

War & Peace is an everlasting work, in part, by reason of Tolstoy’s influence from Scripture. Within this vein, Tolstoy has been able to capture the artist’s ability to see beyond and touch the Transcendent!

Tolstoy was able to skillfully -- not to just look to the baseness of what is in front, or below us, in creating something entertaining -- but he is able to enter the sacred space of fulfilling the spiritual need of appreciating the infiniteness above.

So, this chapter is a reminder open yourself to this dynamic. For you ALL have Your own wars and periods of peace.

Therefore, take a moment, to recognize what is here and now is not as significant as it seems, whether it is the Battle at Austerlitz or the so-call grand historical events of Your life. All of that is microscopic compared to what is above.

If you are not interested in wrestling with the Bible, you can at least, take a look up to the sky and concentrate for a few seconds. This simple exercise gives us a sense of our size and the ineffability of what we are taking in.

Consider our quarrels and even the wars men are so-often thrown into and what really mean in the grand sense.

The exercise will build and appreciation for a pivotal moment in the book and more importantly, life in general. You will catch this moment soon, if you don’t know it already, on the fields of Austerlitz.

Moreover, most readers fail realize something rather obvious, that the title and phrase War & Peace appears in the famous poetry of Chapter 3 of Ecclesiastes, where the Scripture notes that there is a Time for every purpose under Heaven, including a time for War; and a Time of Peace.

The night before the Battle, General Weyrother, who coordinated the advance, traveled to Kutuzov’s quarters in a castle near Austerlitz for a council of war. Kutuzov was a reluctant and relegated host.

Weyrother is presented as full of vigor while Kutuzov was morose, with his uniform unbuttoned and nearly asleep in a chair. Weyrother was familiar with the terrain but was unable to competently explain the nature of this Moravian land. He spoke in front of an enormous map and went through the battle-plan. It involved a flanking maneuver and pursuit over a forest as well as descriptions of how the columns would march. He was exhausted and lost all sense of deference to the other attendees. Kutuzov’s response was to snore – at one point waking up startled and giving a condescending “YES! YES!,” and nodding off again.

Tolstoy then symbolizes how some high-level officers are said to have reacted at the historic encounter.

Friedrich Wilhelm Graf von Buxhöwden, hardly paid attention. Like many of the Russian officer class, his name had German roots. Mikhail Miloradovich “with wide-open eyes and a mustache twisted upwards,” sat in a military posture remaining silent. Unimpressed, he complained to himself but loud enough to be heard, “A geography lesson!?” Dimitry Dohktúrov, a small and modest man was studying the unfamiliar localities on the map and found the plan confusing.

There was also Count Louis Langeron, a French émigré, who gazed at his delicate fingers twirling a gold snuffbox. He tried to contribute his own ideas but was rebuffed. A prominent Polish official, Ignacy Przebyszéwski, was described as carrying a dignified politeness. Thus, the command was an eclectic mix of ethnic Germans, aristocratic Russians, a Frenchman and even a Pole.

Late in the council, Langeron finally got a chance to convey how difficult it would be to carry out such a strategy since the enemy’s position was only assumed and Bonaparte might attack and render the plan worthless. Tolstoy expresses that those spoken down to could have advised Weyrother about military matters. It is a hindsight presentation of a doomed mission. Historically, Weyrother would not have been spearheading the effort if Gen. Johann Schmit had not been killed.

Weyrother met all objections with contempt, finding it ridiculous to debate a disposition approved by the Emperors. He felt the only thing to fear was the French retreating. He noted: “If Napolean could attack us, he would have done so today.”

When Weyrother is nearly finished, Tolstoy brings in the fictional Andrei to get into the mindset of the noble officer who faces such an affair. Andrei asks for a clarification but Weyrother cuts him off with “Gentlemen, the dispositions for tomorrow—or rather for today, for it is past midnight—cannot be altered. You have heard them and we shall all do our duty. Before a battle, there is nothing more important than to have a good sleep.”

Andrei could sense that nobody was inspired by the talk. He wondered how Alexander was not influenced by Kutuzov’s reticence. He realized all their lives were placed at needless risk. He considers, “It is very likely that I shall be killed tomorrow” and a series of memories arose. Andrei remembered parting from his father and dwelled on his wife and her pregnancy. In a softened mood he went out into the early December night.

“Tomorrow everything may be over for me and these memories will be no more.” He became certain he would be called to account as a soldier and man. He pictured the battle in light of the sober analysis from Kutuzov. He imagined having the opportunity to firmly express his opinion of the futility of the present course to Kutuzov, Weyrother and the Emperors. While they would be impressed, no one would listen to him. He visualizes the forthcoming hesitation. He senses that his Toulon (the famous battle that catapulted Napoleon’s career) will present itself and envisions taking a regiment and leading it victory. He even pictures Kutuzov being removed appointed in the Commander’s place!

However, another voice suggesting he would be wounded or killed. He considered, “I don’t know what will happen, but admits he desires Glory -- to be known to men and loved by them.” He finds no Fault that earthly glory is all that he lives for! In pursuit of such esteem, he fears nothing, neither his own death nor the loss of his family. Though his family is precious, he has psyched himself up to point that he would trade them all for just a moment of that glory.

This chapter continues to examine the precipice of Austerlitz, where misguided confidence continues to build. Yet we can observe cracks in that veneer, namely relating to how Tolstoy portrays the Czar.

As the Emperor occupied Wischau, his French physician was summoned. While Alexander was initially excited by the movement of the troops, calvary charges, and clashes, he became ill upon observing casualties and the reality of war.

Ten days prior, while in Olmütz, French General Anne-Jean-Marie-René-Savary, requested and received an audience with the Czar. Savary quickly noticed the overconfidence of Alexander’s inexperienced advisers and that Kutuzov (who advocated patience) was sidelined. Alexander explained to Savary how it was Napoleon’s ambition that brought them all to the precipice of slaughter. This was where Savary was presented with the infamous letter addressed “to the head of the French Government.” Ultimately, the allied army left in five large columns, toward Austerlitz, around 11/17/1805.

In this section, Tolstoy focuses on Savary being sent to the Czar a second time in an 11th hour attempt to negotiate when near the battlefield. Alexander read this outreach as weakness. Savary was admitted, but Alexander refused a proposal to meet directly with Napoleon. The Czar’s army was overjoyed upon learning of this notable rejection. Instead, Prince Dolgorúkov was sent to meet Napoleon.

Tolstoy doesn’t mention this here, but Napoleon keenly set up his camp to show Dolgorúkov miserable surroundings and dispirited men. Dolgorúkov told Napoleon that for peace, he must withdraw from Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, & Lombardy. Napoleon announced in reply: “Then we must fight.” Dolgorúkov later assured the Czar that the French were ripe to be vanquished.

The day before the Battle, there a bustling of activity, which lead to 80,000 men being stretched out over six miles, ready to advance. Information would have to travel along that chain, which would prove a challenge. Tolstoy poetically explains how like the working of an intricate clock, decisions have results. He speaks of wheels interlocking and gathering momentum based on an initial push from the Emperor’s headquarters.

"One wheel slowly moved and another was set in motion, and then third, and then wheels began to revolve faster and faster, levers and cogwheels, chimes to play, figures pop out, and the hands advance with regular motion. Just as with clock, so it is with a military machine…"

The result was 160,000 men — all their passions, desires, remorse, humiliations, sufferings, outbursts of pride, fear, and enthusiasm — ready to embark on the Battle of Three Emperors.

The story turns to the fictional Andrei, who was in constant attendance of those who made the critical decisions relating to Austerlitz. Andrei became aware how Kutuzov was dissatisfied – as most at headquarters were dismissive of him.

Dolgorúkov relays his impression of Napoleon, namely that the General was afraid of a battle and that his hour had come! Dolgorúkov finds Napoleon vain and superficial: “He is a man in a gray overcoat, very anxious that I should call him ‘Your Majesty,’ but who, to his chagrin, got no title from me!” He continues: “We mustn’t forget Suvórov and his rule—not to put yourself in a position to be attacked, but yourself to attack. Believe me in war the energy of young men often shows the way better than all the experience than the old procrastinators”

Dolgorúkov went on to explain the battle plan, a flanking attack formulated by Austrian General Weyrother. Andrei offered one of his own, but was shut down and told to bring up any such suggestions at the next council. Bilibin, the fictional diplomat, enters this dynamic. He proffers how no Russian officers are involved in spearheading the advance, and the three discuss who is said to be leading the units.

After a long and frenetic day, Andrei gets a quiet moment with Kutuzov and asks him what he thinks will come of the upcoming battle:

Kutúzov looked sternly at his adjutant and, after a pause, replied: "I think the battle will be lost, and so I told Count Tolstoy and asked him to tell the Emperor. What do you think he replied? ‘But, my dear general, I am engaged with rice and cutlets, look after military matters yourself!’"

On the precipice of the Battle of Austerlitz, Tolstoy illustrates the bravado and immaturity of youth.

Here, I explore how Tolstoy incorporates elements of his own vice from his younger days, including pride and ambition. Both his early and late material speak to this, most notably personal journals from his time at university as well as the spiritual work, My Confession, written in 1879, when in his early 50s. The latter was an attempt to grapple with eternal questions such as: What am I doing?, and Why am I here? Tolstoy pursues answers in the mold of how Solomon (or “the Preacher”) is presented as taking them on in Ecclesiastes.

Tolstoy appears to have reached the conclusion that those outside his social class (most notably humble peasants) have a higher chance of living in virtue and connecting with the Almighty. He implicitly argues for a reversion to a more simple Faith based on the Teachings of Christ.

Early in Confession, Tolstoy famously wrote:

I cannot think of those years without horror….. I killed men in war and challenged men to duels…. I lost at cards, consumed the labor of the peasants, sentenced them to punishments, lived loosely and deceived people. Lying, robbery, adultery of all kinds, drunkenness, violence, murder -- there was no crime I did not commit, and in spite of that people praised my conduct and my contemporaries considered and consider me to be a comparatively moral man.

He could barely imagine such depravity among the peasant class.

Tolstoy also references his early skepticism of the Russian Orthodox Church, especially as to rituals and teachings found outside the Gospel, such as certain prayers and the veneration of saints.

He reflects that his “false faith” became trying to become the perfect earthly man and he rigorously tried to formulate methods to achieve success.

Some of Tolstoy’s suggestions, taken from his journals, are: never hesitate to speak before onlookers; lead the conversation and speak deliberately; do not constantly move from conversation to conversation or language or language; seek the company of High Society; and invite the most important ladies – as that will be the event to be at!

An aunt who helped raise him strongly suggested that he have relations with a married woman of the highest status – as she believed nothing so fully formed a young man. She also wanted him to become an aide-de-camp, if possible to the Emperor. She further advised to marry into extreme wealth and become possessed of as many serfs as possible.

Tolstoy’s journals continue in a self-help fashion, suggesting: do not put off what you set out to do; make an effort and the thoughts and ideas of how to achieve goals will come; write down your plan and do not get up from the table until you make sufficient progress.

Tolstoy also set regimented schedules for himself: 9-10 a.m.: Bathe and exercise, 10-12 a.m,: Music, play a least four pages of sheets, all scales and chords; 6-8 p.m.: Attend to his studies; 8-10 p.m.: Estate management.

His time at the University of Kazan was an intense period of self-observation and served as a preparatory stage, filled with experimentation and vice, for where he wound up.

Ultimately, Tolstoy came to realize his aristocratic peers developed this heightened arrogance, believing they are in the best position guide their fellow man. The rejection of such self-perfection efforts was significant to Tolstoy developing into an elderly sage, where pilgrimages were made to his estate.

It is manifestly important to consider how Tolstoy embraces General Kutuzov as Napoleon’s opposite - as more Godly and attuned to the unknowable nature of life. This symbolic depiction made the old general a national hero.

This episode finishes by examining how the sinful ambitions he very much shared are fused into the characters of Napoleon, Boris, Berg, Anatole, Vasilly, Andrei, Pierre and Nicholas.

Three days after the review and a near 40 mile march south, Denisov’s squadron was assigned to be a reserve unit in the early stages of the monumental Battle of Austerlitz.

Rostov was in something of a depression, as he wasted the inner struggle it took to conquer his apprehension. While idle, he observed squadrons of Cossacks, hussars, infantry and artillery pass. Around 9 a.m., he heard firing and shouts. Later, a handful of French prisoners were brought back. A successful small affair culminated and the Village of Wishau was taken, building false confidence. The morning glitter of the sun was in keeping with news of the victory.

Denisov tried to cheer up Rostov, “Come here. Let’s dwink to dwown our gwief!” A fellow Hussar soon noticed: “There! They are bringing another!,” pointing to a captive French dragoon along with his horse. Denisov was able to buy the horse for two gold pieces with money from Rostov. The prisoner was from Alsace, a Rhine border area heavily influenced by German speakers. The Hussars realized their prisoner brought aspects of culture so alien to them. Such contacts and influences would have profound impact on the progression of history.

The day takes a dramatic upon shouts of “The Emperor! The Emperor!” as The Imperial Guard was spotted. All regret at not getting into action vanished and Rostov mounted his horse with joy. Nearer to him came that human sun and Rostov felt enveloped in his rays.

Rostov again heard Alexander’s voice, so kindly and calm, inquiring if he was passing “The Pavlograd Hussars.” The Emperor drew level with Rostov and halted. Alexander’s face shone with gaiety and youth. Rostov believed the Emperor’s light blue eyes met his but could only hope Alexander understood what was within his soul. The Czar soon signaled his horse and galloped away.

Tolstoy describes how Alexander could not resist being present and was thrilled by news of the successful engagement. The battle was represented as a brilliant victory, however, there was a mistaken belief that a solid portion of the French were retreating.

The Pavlograds were ordered to advance to Wischau -- described as a quant German town. Rostov saw the Emperor for a third time, here at a market place where there had been heavy firing and lay several killed and wounded.

The Emperor was riding a mare and leaning while holding at some magnifying glasses (a lorgnette). He gazed at a bleeding soldier who was so revolting that his proximity to royalty bothered Rostov. An adjutant lifted the soldier to place him on a stretcher, causing the soldier to groan. The Czar, so enthusiastic to put men in peril, instructed: “Gently, gently! Can’t you do it more gently?” Soon enough he rode away. Rostov saw tears filling the Emperor’s eyes and heard him say to his close advisor, Adam Czartorýski: “What a terrible thing war! Quelle terrible chose que la guerre!”

Soon enough, the Pavlograd Hussars were stationed before Wischau. The Emperor’s gratitude was announced, rewards were promised and the men received a double ration of vodka. The campfires crackled and soldiers’ songs resounded.

Denisov celebrated a promotion to the rank of major, and Rostov, quite inebriated, proposed a toast. To the “the health of our Sovereign, that good, enchanting and great man! Let us drink to his health and to the certain defeat of the French! If we fought before, not letting the French pass at Schön Grabern, what shall we not do now when he is at the front? We will all die for him gladly! Is it not so? Perhaps I am not saying it right, I have drunk a good deal—but that is how I feel, and so do you! To the health of Alexander the First!" Hurrah! Hurrah!” responded the Hussars. Even the old cavalry captain, Kirsten, shouted no less sincerely.

Later that night, Denisov patted Rostov and announced: “As there’s no one to fall in love with on campaign, he’s fallen in love with the Czar!.” Rostov told Denisov not to belittle his emotions and walked off to wander among the campfires, dreaming of what happiness it would be to die—not in saving the Emperor’s life but simply to die before his eyes. He was in love with the Czar and the hope of future triumph. He was hardly the only one to experience such pathos in those memorable moments preceding the true affair at Austerlitz.

The day after the review, Boris rides to Olmütz to build on his burgeoning relationship with Andrei, with the goal of obtaining a position of adjutant. He reflected, “It is all well for Rostov, whose father sends him 20,000 rubles at a time, to NOT wish to be anyone’s lackey, but I who have little but my brains, must not miss any opportunity!”

Olmütz was transformed into the headquarters where the Emperors resided. When Boris inquired of Andrei, he was shunned by officials who grew tired of the number of low-level officers who were coming and going. He learned Andrei would return the next day, so at that time Boris visited Kutuzov’s quarters and found Andrei in a reception room. He noticed Andrei with an older General, who was hardly keeping Andrei’s interest. Andrei, clearly part of the inner circle of influence, was ecstatic to interrupt the old man and turned to Boris with a smile. Boris realized that besides discipline, subordination and order prescribed in the official Army code, there was a more important way of life, which forced the General to the sideline. Boris resolved to become part of this higher world.

Andrei informed Boris that he had been occupied with the Austrian command and references the historic General Franz von Weyrother, who plays a critical role in the upcoming Battle of Austerlitz. Boris could only pretend to understand who Andrei was alluding to. Andrei conveys that he will recommend Boris for a position as an adjunct. Boris is thankful and very much desires an audience with Kutuzov but Andrei explains the commander’s staff is overflowing with many who have no use.

Andrei wishes to refer Boris to the historic advisor to the Czar, Peter Dolgorúkov, who Andrei labels “a good friend and excellent fellow.” Therefore, they went to the local palace where a significant council of war of the Hofkriegsrat and Russian Command just finished.

The consensus was to advance and vanquish Napoleon. Dolgorúkov was under the spell of the event, where the ambitions misguided youth prevailed. This was contrary to the views of Kutuzov. All voices who counseled delay were silenced by conclusive evidence of the victory that awaited. The advantages included: superior numbers, the perceived quality of troops, knowledge of the terrain, and that the allies were inspired by the Emperors.

Dolgorúkov was exhausted but eager for inevitable victory. Andrei introduced his protégé, but Dolgorúkov was unable to get beyond the impending action. Dolgorúkov referenced how Napoleon sent a letter, proposing peace, which was viewed as a ruse to gain time. Tolstoy brings out the historic affront crafted in response. Dolgorúkov explains “What was most amusing was how we could not think how to address our reply! Not to Napolean as ‘Consul’ nor ‘Emperor,’ or ‘General Bonaparte.’” The fictional Diplomat Bilibin jokingly suggested “Usurper and Enemy of Mankind.” What was agreed on was: To the Head of the French Government / Au chef du gouvernement français.

Andrei acknowledges how much Napoleon will be insulted, which makes Dolgorúkov recall a tale about Napoleon, who held held a reputation “as the most cunning and subtle diplomat, a combination of French adroitness and Italian play-acting!” On one purported occasion, Bonaparte wished to take the measure of a Russian ambassador, Count Markov, and purposely dropped a handkerchief and then stood looking at Markov, expecting Markov to assist. Instead, Markov dropped his own and picked it up without touching Bonaparte’s.

When Andrei reintroduces Boris, the young man receives passing acknowledgment, but is told his appeal will be addressed another time. Still, Boris was enraptured by his surroundings. He recognized he was among the springs that set in motion enormous movements of men. If left just in his regiment, he would consider himself an obedient and insignificant atom.

As exiting, they all noticed a short man with a clever face and sharply projecting jaw, who nodded to Dolgorúkov as to an intimate friend but stared at Andrei with cool intensity. “Who was that?” asked Boris. Andrei explained, “He is one of the most remarkable, but to me most unpleasant of men—the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince Adam Czartorýski.... It is such men as he who decide the fate of nations.”

Tolstoy is referencing an extremely significant Polish statesman, who lived to just over 90. At the time of the novel is set, Czartorýski was a close friend and trusted advisor to Tsar Alexander, but was later famous for trying restore sovereignty to Poland.

This second episode on the Calvary Maiden takes you through some of the formative years of the author, Nadezhda Durova.

Durova wrote briefly of her years growing up then focused on her time dressing as a man and serving for 10 years as a low-level officer in the Czar’s army, starting around 1806.

Her journals were source material for Tolstoy as to the lives of those who served in the period War & Peace is set, 1805-1812. It is presented to give you a glimpse into those frequently nameless and overlooked, who often gave their lives in the Napoleonic conflicts.

Durova’s story brings up still-relevant issues of identify, in terms how some who grew up in modern-day Ukraine or partitioned Poland, had different ties, (some to Polish nobility, others to Cossacks, some to Turks, others to runaway serfs), identified themselves. A number, like Durova, graciously accepted a life of service to the Czar. Others, like the former serf, Taras Shevchenko, or the Polish Diplomat, Adam Czartoryski, advanced the idea of nationhood and identity separate from Russian domination.

This episode is a brief overview of Durova’s experience from when she was 4 months-old, when she begins to articulate the ever-present animosity with her mother. This is illustrated with Durova being thrown out of a moving carriage upon her mother became frustrated while nursing. Her father then gave her to the primary care of one of his male servants, who Durova clung to at the sight of her mother. For her first four years of life, Durova’s family remained on the road, in military service, where she was affected by hussars shouting, drilling and riding their horses. This lifestyle attracted her.

Her Muscovite father recognized life with a growing family mandated a different position and traveled to Moscow in search of same. It was at that time that Durova and her mother returned to her parents’ home near the Poltova region in Ukraine. She spent time on the property marching, making forts, and pretending to be in hussar service. Her maternal grandparents, who initially rejected their Ukrainian daughter marrying a Muscovite, reconciled with the situation.

Durova’s father eventually received a commission to become a district mayor in Sarapul, near the Kama River in the foothills of the Ural Mountains. She spent the better part of a decade in this colder climate. She would often run away and explore nearby forests and rivers. Her father accepted her adventurous inclinations and gifted her horse, Alcides, who remained with Durova well into her military service. Durova would often wake up at the crack-of-dawn and take Alcides for a liberating run, with servants becoming accustomed to this unusual dynamic. This frustrated her mother to no end. However, her kind father and the rest of the family got a kick out of Durova’s precociousness. She remained in Sarapul until her mother grew tired of her presence and encouraged sending her back to Ukraine to live with her grandmother.

Tolstoy addresses the over-confidence of Napoleon’s adversaries prior to the battle of Austerlitz, when Kutuzov’s forces and the Austrians reached their limit of no further retreat, winding up near Olmütz. Here, Emperors Alexandr & Francis would review their troops that numbered around 80,000 (both seasoned and reinforcements) before a 40-mile march south to fight the French, who had around 50,000 soldiers near Brünn.

Napoleon’s supply lines were extended after traveling so far into the Holy Roman Empire and Kutuzov is historically thought to have been reticent to engage Napoleon as he thought it better to draw the French further east and wait for Prussia to align against Napoleon. Yet he recognized with two Emperors meeting face-to-face and the French occupying Vienna, there was a compelling reason to fight. He also recognized Alexandr wanted to be the first Czar since Peter I to lead a battle of such magnitude. Moreover, the recent skirmishes created a consensus, this would be where Napoleon’s magnificent run ended.

We are brought to the morning of the review. From the crack of dawn, there was preparation, with throngs of men moving and halting upon command. Groups turned with banners and wheeled around each other. Prominent was the rhythmic beating of hooves and drums while calvary soldiers were carried on their steeds. From the artillery wagons, polished cannons and guns glimmered. Every soldier was shaved, with weapons clean and polished and generals strutted in their fancy parade uniforms. Even the horses were groomed to the point their coats shined like satin.

This Review bordered on the sacred. The men held inner feelings of insignificance before Majesty but were also conscious of their strength as a part of an enormous tempest. By 10:00 a.m., the army was extended in three lines: cavalry in front, then artillery, and in the third row - infantry. All were ready to greet Alexandr and Francis. Soon enough, ran an excited whisper, “They’re coming!” Joy swept over the troops as hundreds of riders guarding the leaders moved closer as trumpets heralded. At the head where the two Emperors.

Alexander’s youthful but majestic voice was heard. Those nearby roared “Hurrah!” so deafeningly that the men were awed by their own power. Rostov was in that throng and experienced what all others had: self-forgetfulness, a proud consciousness of might and devotion. He knew a single word from him would lead all to go through fire and and perform deeds of the highest heroism. “Hurrah! continued to thunder.

Rostov was near the trumpeters and recognized the Tsar. He could distinguish every detail of his face. Alexandr’s every movement was enchanting. The Tsar said something in French to Francis. Every sound from him was a gift from heaven. Rostov felt the most powerful flow of love for his sovereign, which he longed to demonstrate and considered, “if the Emperor would speak to me, I would die of happiness.” The Tsar addressed the officers: “I thank you all, gentlemen, I thank you with my whole heart.”

When Alexandr moved down the line, he was accompanied by a sea of high-level aides. Rostov noticed Bolkonsky among them. When thinking of their recent quarrel, Rostov realized Andrei was correct to suggest the matter be dropped. Such a disagreement was “not even worth thinking of at such a moment! At a time of such love, rapture and such self-sacrifice. What do any such affronts matter? For, I love and forgive everybody!”

When the troops saw their Emperors, they instantly felt they could lay down their lives. It a phenomena that exists through the ages and Tolstoy gets you to question such devotion.

After some time, select soldiers began a ceremonial march past Alexandr, including Rostov, a who was a fine horseman. He rode Bedouin, recently purchased from Denísov and it seemed the animal knew he was in the presence of royalty. “Fine fellows, those Pavlograds!” commented the Emperor.

When it was over, the soldiers collected in groups and began to talk. All discussion soon turned to Bonaparte and how he would be vanquished, especially if reinforcements came from Prussia. Soon enough the conversation in every group centered on Emperor Alexandr. His every word and movement was described with ecstasy. They all had one wish: to advance as soon as possible! All felt they could not fail.