Showing results by publisher "Audible Studios" in Elections & Political Process

Americans of all political stripes are heading into the 2008 election with the sense that something has gone terribly wrong with American politics. But what exactly? The only thing everyone seems to agree on, in fact, is that the American people are entirely blameless. InJust How Stupid Are We?, best-selling historian and renowned myth-buster Rick Shenkman takes aim at our great national piety: the wisdom of the American people.

Since the eviction of Occupy protestors from encampments in many cities throughout the world, smaller and more targeted occupations have continued. Workers in a Chicago factory occupied - with the support of their union - to protest layoffs. Teachers and students in Tucson staged a walkout to protest the removal of Chicano history books from the curriculum. Home foreclosures were disrupted, even avoided, by direct community action. But what does it all mean? What do we talk about when we talk about "revolution", if we talk about it at all?

Are Tea Party supporters merely a group of conservative citizens concerned about government spending? Or are they racists who refuse to accept Barack Obama as their president because he's not white? Change They Can't Believe In offers an alternative argument--that the Tea Party is driven by the reemergence of a reactionary movement in American politics that is fueled by a fear that America has changed for the worse.

In The Spirit of Compromise, eminent political thinkers Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson connect the rejection of compromise to the domination of campaigning over governing - the permanent campaign - in American democracy today. They show that campaigning for political office calls for a mindset that blocks compromise - standing tenaciously on principle to mobilize voters and mistrusting opponents in order to defeat them. Good government calls for an opposite cluster of attitudes and arguments - the compromising mindset - that inclines politicians to adjust their principles and to respect their opponents.

No skeletons were rattling in his closet, Thomas Eagleton assured George McGovern’s political director. But only eighteen days later—after a series of damaging public revelations and feverish behind-the-scenes maneuverings—McGovern rescinded his endorsement of his Democratic vice-presidential running mate, and Eagleton withdrew from the ticket. This fascinating book is the first to uncover the full story behind Eagleton's rise and precipitous fall as a national candidate.

Restoring three-dimensionality to more than 50 American sayings, Tippecanoe and Tyler Too turns clichés back into history by telling the life stories of the words that have served as our most powerful battle cries, rallying points, laments, and inspirations. In individual entries on slogans and catchphrases from the early 17th to the late 20th century, Jan Van Meter reveals that each one is a living, malleable entity that has profoundly shaped and continues to influence our public culture.

The Occupy Wall Street movement named the core issue of our time: the overwhelming power of Wall Street and large corporations—something the political establishment and most media have long ignored. But the movement goes far beyond this critique. In this volume, the editors of YES! magazine bring together voices from inside and outside the protests to convey the issues, possibilities, and personalities associated with the Occupy Wall Street movement.

NEA's Reach for Power exposes the National Education Association (NEA) for what it really is and provides a hands-on guide for teachers, parents, and communties to increase their voices in bringing education back to the children.

Conquest, Famine, War, Death: the four horsemen are coming, in the form of the national debt, widespread dependence on government, turmoil in the Middle East, and the expansion of the bureaucratic state. In Obama’s Four Horsemen, syndicated columnist David Harsanyi takes a provocative look at how the Obama Administration allowed four big problems to mushroom into looming disasters we can no longer avoid or postpone. In his famous conversational, fact-driven, and humorous tone, Harsanyi argues that President Obama’s handling of both domestic and foreign crises has set the stage for a disaster of Biblical proportions.

The size and stability of the American middle class were once the envy of the world. But changes unleashed in the 1960s pitted Americans against one another politically in new and destructive ways. These battles continued to rage from that day to now, while everyone has fallen behind economically except the wealthy. Right-wing culture warriors blamed the decline on the moral shortcomings of "other" Americans - black people, feminists, gays, immigrants, union members - to court a fearful white working- and middle-class base with ever more bitter "us vs. them" politics.

With Share This! both regular folks of a progressive bent and committed activists can learn how to go beyond swapping movie reviews and vacation photos (not that there's anything wrong with that). At the moment, the same kinds of people who dominate the dialog off-line are dominating it online, and things will never change if that doesn't change. Progressives need to get on social networks and share their stories, join conversations, connect with others - and not just others exactly like themselves.

In Thinking about Leadership, Nannerl Keohane draws on her experience as the first woman president of Duke University and former president of Wellesley College, as well as her expertise as a leading political theorist, to deepen our understanding of what leaders do, how and why they do it, and the pitfalls and challenges they face.

Americans have always put the past to political ends. The Union laid claim to the Revolution - so did the Confederacy. Civil rights leaders said they were the true sons of liberty - so did Southern segregationists. This book tells the story of the centuries-long struggle over the meaning of the nation's founding, including the battle waged by the Tea Party, Glenn Beck, Sarah Palin, and evangelical Christians to "take back America".

In We Can All Do Better, for the first time since the financial meltdown and since the worst of the intensifying political gridlock, Bill Bradley offers his own concise, powerful, and highly personal review of the state of the nation. He argues that government is not the problem. He criticizes the role of money and politics, explains how continuing on our existing foreign policy, electoral, and economic paths will mean a diminished future, and lays out exactly what needs to be done to reverse course.

I modi in cui è avvenuta l'unificazione italiana hanno fatto sì che il nuovo Stato abbia dovuto affrontare in rapida successione sfide che altrove sono state diluite nell'arco di secoli. Ciò ha lasciato segni evidenti sul successivo sviluppo politico e sulle architetture istituzionali. L'audiolibro ne dà conto in modo aggiornato, dall'assetto bipolare competitivo degli anni novanta alla crisi finanziaria del 2008 e al suo impatto sulle istituzioni, fino alle recenti riforme del governo Renzi.

Le classi politiche sono centrali in tutti i sistemi e inevitabilmente nelle democrazie contemporanee qualsiasi discorso, anche critico, sulla classe politica si intreccia con il ruolo dei partiti, il problema della rappresentanza e il funzionamento della democrazia stessa. Infatti, le classi politiche contemporanee sono sostanzialmente di estrazione partitica e si collocano prevalentemente in ruoli parlamentari e di governo.

Chi detiene il potere, chi lo controlla e chi lo rappresenta: questo è il nocciolo della politica, con il quale si sono confrontate, nel corso della storia, tutte le comunità umane. Se la questione è semplice, complessi sono invece i modi e i modelli della politica, perché ogni volta si sono trovate forme diverse, equilibri più stabili, meccanismi più raffinati. Questo audiolibro ci narra, ricorrendo alla storia, e ci spiega, con l'ausilio del diritto e della scienza politica, l'evolversi delle regole del gioco.

Come si può vincere le elezioni e governare in un contesto caratterizzato dalla velocità dei cambiamenti tecnologici e sociali? Gli elettori si comportano sempre più come consumatori e il compito del nuovo marketing politico non è abbellire un prodotto da vendere, ma costruire una relazione a lungo termine con il cittadino-elettore. "Il nuovo marketing politico" è una bussola per la fast politics, nella quale il ciclo delle notizie è attivo 24 ore su 24, una grande mole di dati viene prodotta dagli elettori attraverso i media digitali.

Promozione di idee, ricerca, battaglia culturale per influenzare governi e opinione pubblica. È l'attività dei think tank, "serbatoi di pensiero" sorti in America più di un secolo fa e divenuti noti al grande pubblico soprattutto durante il primo mandato di George W. Bush. Nel volume si parte dalla storia americana per capire cosa fanno esattamente questi consiglieri del principe - da Roosevelt a Reagan, fino a Obama, ogni presidente ha avuto i suoi think tank - e si spiega perché abbiano messo radici anche in Italia e nel resto d'Europa.

Da sempre nell'immaginario collettivo, di grandi e bambini, il sindaco è il politico a cui si fa riferimento per tutto, quello chiamato a risolvere ogni problema della comunità in cui viviamo. Ormai sono passati 25 anni da quando, nel giugno 1993, fu istituita l'elezione diretta del sindaco, che da allora è il vero raccordo fra l'elettorato e il governo centrale, colui che cerca di mediare tra le forze opposte per il bene della sua città. Il proprio sindaco lo si ama o lo si odia, ma in ogni caso su di lui si può misurare concretamente la distanza fra le promesse e le cose fatte.